Using F1000 “peer review” to promote politics over evidence about delivering psychosocial care to cancer patients

The F 1000 platform allowed authors and the reviewers whom they nominated to collaborate in crafting more of their special interest advocacy that they have widely disseminated elsewhere. Nothing original in this article and certainly not best evidence!


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A newly posted article on the F1000 website raises questions about what the website claims is a “peer-reviewed” open research platform.

Infomercial? The F1000 platform allowed authors and the reviewers whom they nominated to collaborate in crafting more of their special interest advocacy that they have widely disseminated elsewhere. Nothing original in this article and certainly not best evidence!

I challenge the authors and the reviewers they picked to identify something said in the F1000 article that they have not said numerous times before either alone or in papers co-authored by some combination of authors and the reviewers they picked for this paper.

F1000 makes the attractive and misleading claim that versions of articles that are posted on its website reflect the response to reviewers.

Readers should be aware of uncritically accepting articles on the F 1000 website as having been peer-reviewed in any conventional sense of the term.

Will other special interests groups exploit this opportunity to brand their claims as “peer-reviewed” without the risk of having to tone down their claims in peer review? Is this already happening?

In the case of this article, reviewers were all chosen by the authors and have a history of co-authoring papers with the authors of the target paper in active advocacy of a shared political perspective, one that is contrary to available evidence.

Cynically, future authors might be motivated to divide their team, with some remaining authors and others dropping off to become nominated as reviewers. They could then suggest content that had already been agreed would be included, but was left off for the purposes being suggested in the review process


F1000Research bills itself as

An Open Research publishing platform for life scientists, offering immediate publication of articles and other research outputs without editorial bias. All articles benefit from transparent refereeing and the inclusion of all source data.

Material posted on this website is labeled as having received rapid peer-review:

Articles are published rapidly as soon as they are accepted, after passing an in-house quality check. Peer review by invited experts, suggested by the authors, takes place openly after publication.

My recent Google Scholar alert call attention to an article posted on F1000

Advancing psychosocial care in cancer patients [version 1; referees: 3 approved]

 Who were the reviewers?

open peer review of Advancing psychosocial care

Google the names of authors and reviewers. You will discover a pattern of co-authorship; leadership positions in international Psycho-Oncology society, a group promoting the mandating of specially mental health services for cancer patients, and lots of jointly and separately authored articles making a pitch for increased involvement of mental health professionals in routine cancer care. This article adds almost nothing to what is multiply available elsewhere in highly redundant publications

Given a choice of reviewers, these authors would be unlikely to nominate me. Nonetheless, here is my review of the article.

 As I might do in a review of a manuscript, I’m not providing citations for these comments, but support can readily be found by a search of blog posts at my website and Google Scholar search of my publications. I welcome queries from anybody seeking documentation of these points below.

 Fighting Spirit

The notion that cancer patients having a fighting spirit improves survival is popular in the lay press and in promoting the power of the mind over cancer, but it has thoroughly been discredited.

Early on, the article identifies fighting spirit as an adaptive coping style. In actuality, fighting spirit was initially thought to predict mortality in a small methodologically flawed study. But that is no longer claimed.

Even one of the authors of the original study, Maggie Watson,  expressed relief when her own larger, better designed study failed to confirm the impression that a fighting spirit extended life after diagnosis  of cancer. Why? Dr. Watson was concerned that the concept was being abused in blaming cancer patients who were dying there was to their personal deficiency of not having enough fighting spirit.

Fighting spirit is rather useless as a measure of psychological adaptation. It confounds severity of cancer enrolled dysfunction with efforts to cope with cancer.

Distress as the sixth vital sign for cancer patients

distress thermometerBeware of a marketing slogan posing as an empirical statement. Its emptiness is similar to that of to “Pepsi is the one.” Can you imagine anyone conducting a serious study in which they conclude “Pepsi is not the one”?

Once again in this article, a vacuous marketing slogan is presented in impressive, but pseudo-medical terms. Distress cannot be a vital sign in the conventional sense. Thr  vital signs are objective measurements that do not depend on patient self-report: body temperature, pulse rate, and respiration rate (rate of breathing) (Blood pressure is not considered a vital sign, but is often measured along with the vital signs.).

Pain was declared a fifth vital sign, with physicians mandated  by guidelines to provide routine self-report screening of patients, regardless of their reasons for visit. Pain being the fifth vital sign seems to have been the inspiration for declaring distress as the sixth vital sign for cancer patients. However policy makers declaring pain  as the fifth vital sign did not result in improved patient levels of pain. Their subsequent making intervention mandatory for any reports of pain led to a rise in unnecessary back and knee surgery, with a substantial rise in associated morbidity and loss of function. The next shift to prescription of opioids that were claimed not to be addictive was the beginning of the current epidemic of addiction to prescription opioids. Making pain the fifth vital sign is killed a lot of patients and  turned others into addicts craving drugs on the street because they have lost their prescriptions for the opioids that addicted them.

pain as 5th vital signCDC launches

 Cancer as a mental health issue

There is a lack of evidence that cancer carries a risk of psychiatric disorder more than other chronic and catastrophic illnesses. However, the myth that there is something unique or unusual about cancer’s threat to mental health is commonly cited by mental health professional advocacy groups is commonly used to justify increased resources to them for specialized services.

The article provides an inflated estimate of psychiatric morbidity by counting adjustment disorders as psychiatric disorders. Essentially, a cancer patient who seeks mental health interventions for distress qualifies by virtue of help seeking being defined as impairment.

The conceptual and empirical muddle of “distress” in cancer patients

The article repeats the standard sloganeering definition of distress that the authors and reviewers have circulated elsewhere.

It has been very broadly defined as “a multifactorial, unpleasant, emotional experienceof a psychological (cognitive, behavioural, emotional), social and/or spiritual nature that may interfere with the ability to cope effectively with cancer, its physical symptoms and its treatment and that extends along a continuum, ranging from common normalfeelings of vulnerability, sadness and fears to problems that can become disabling, such as depression, anxiety, panic, social isolation and existential and spiritual crisis”5

[You might try googling this. I’m sure you’ll discover an amazing number of repetitions in similar articles advocating increasing psychosocial services for cancer patients organized around this broad definition.]

Distress is so broadly defined and all-encompassing, that there can be no meaningful independent validation of distress measures except for by other measures of distress, not conventional measures of adaptation or mental health. I have discussed that in a recent blog post.

If we restrict “distress” to the more conventional meaning of stress or negative affect, we find that any elevation in distress (usually 35% or so) associated with onset diagnosis of cancer tends to follow a natural trajectory of decline without formal intervention. Elevations in distress for most cancer patients, are resolved within 3 to 6 months without intervention. A residual 9 to 11% of cancer patients having elevated distress is likely attributed to pre-existing psychiatric disorder.

Routine screening for distress

The slogan “distress is the sixth vital sign” is used to justify mandatory routine screening of cancer patients for distress. In the United States, surgeons cannot close their electronic medical records for a patient and go on to the next patient without recording whether they had screened patients for distress, and if the patient reports distress, what intervention has been provided. Clinicians simply informally asking patients if they are distressed and responding to a “yes” by providing the patient with an antidepressant without further follow up allows surgeons to close the medical records.

As I have done so before, I challenge advocates of routine screening of cancer patients for distress to produce evidence that simply introducing routine screening without additional resources leads to better patient outcomes.

Routine screening for distress as uncovering unmet needs among cancer patients

 Studies in the Netherlands suggest that there is not a significant increase in need for services from mental health or allied health professionals associated with diagnosis of cancer. There is some disruption of such services that patients were receiving before diagnosis. It doesn’t take screening and discussion to suggest that patients that they at some point resume those services if they wish. There is also some increased need for physical therapy and nutritional counseling

If patients are simply asked a question whether they want a discussion of the services (in Dutch: Zou u met een deskundige willen praten over uw problemen?)  that are available, many patients will decline.

Much of demand for supportive services like counseling and support groups, especially among breast cancer patients is not from among the most distressed patients. One of the problems with clinical trials of psychosocial interventions is that most of the patients who seek enrollment are not distressed, and less they are prescreened. This poses dilemma: if you require elevated distress on a screening instrument, we end up rationing services and excluding many of the patients who would otherwise be receiving them.

I welcome clarification from F 1000 just what they offer over other preprint repositories. When one downloads a preprint from some other repositories, it clearly displays “not yet peer-reviewed.” F 1000 carries the advantage of the label of “peer-reviewed, but does not seem to be hard earned.


Slides are from two recent talks at Dutch International Congress on Insurance Medicine Thursday, November 9, 2017, Almere, Netherlands   :

Will primary care be automated screening and procedures or talking to patients and problem-solving? Invited presentation


Why you should not routinely screen your patients for depression and what you should do instead. Plenary Presentation






The Prescription Pain Pill Epidemic: A Conversation with Dr. Anna Lembke

My colleague, Dr. Anna Lembke is the Program Director for the Stanford University Addiction Medicine Fellowship, and Chief of the Stanford Addiction Medicine Dual Diagnosis Clinic. She is the author of a newly released book on the prescription pain pill epidemic: “Drug Dealer, MD: How Doctors Were Duped, Patients Got Hooked, and Why It’s So Hard to Stop” (Johns Hopkins University Press, October 2016).

I spoke with her recently about the scope of this public health tragedy, how we got here and what we need to do about it.

Dr. Jain: About 15-20 years ago American medicine underwent a radical cultural shift in its attitude towards pain, a shift that ultimately culminated in a public health tragedy. Can you comment on factors that contributed to that shift occurring in the first place?
Dr. Lembke: Sure. So the first thing that happened (and it was really more like the early 1980’s when this shift occurred) was that there were more people with daily pain. Overall, our population is getting healthier, but we also have more people with more pain conditions. No one really knows exactly the reason for that, but it probably involves people living longer with chronic illnesses, and more people getting surgical interventions for all types of condition. Any time you cut into the body, you cut across the nerves and you create the potential for some kind of neuropathic pain problem.
The other thing that happened in the 1980’s was the beginning of the hospice movement. This movement helped people at the very end of life (the last month to weeks to days of their lives) to transition to death in a more humane and peaceful way. There was growing recognition that we weren’t doing enough for people at the end of life. As part of this movement, many doctors began advocating for using opioids more liberally at the end of life.
There was also a broader cultural shift regarding the meaning of pain. Prior to 1900 people viewed pain as having positive value: “what does not kill you makes you stronger” or “after darkness comes the dawn”. There were spiritual and biblical connotations and positive meaning in enduring suffering. What arose, through the 20th century, was this idea that pain is actually something that you need to avoid because pain itself can lead to a psychic scar that contributes to future pain. Today, not only is pain painful, but pain begets future pain. By the 1990’s, pain was viewed as a very bad thing and something that had to be eliminated at all cost.
Growing numbers of people experiencing chronic pain, the influence of the hospice movement, and a shifting paradigm about the meaning and consequences of experiencing pain, led to increased pressures within medicine for doctors to prescribe more opioids. This shift was a departure from prior practice, when doctors were loathe to prescribe opioids, for fear of creating addiction, except in cases of severe trauma, cases involving surgery, or cases of the very end of life.
Dr. Jain: The American Pain Society had introduced “pain as the 5th vital sign,” a term which suggested physicians, who were not taking their patients’ pain seriously, were being neglectful. What are your thoughts about this term?
Dr. Lembke: “Pain is the 5th vital sign” is a slogan. It’s kind of an advertising campaign. We use slogans all the time in medicine, many times to good effect, to raise awareness both inside and outside the profession about a variety of medical issues. The reason that “pain is the 5th vital sign” went awry, however, has to do with the ways in which professional medical societies, like the American Pain Society, and so-called “academic thought leaders”, began to collaborate and cooperate with the pharmaceutical industry. That’s where “pain is the 5th vital sign” went from being an awareness campaign to being a brand for a product, namely prescription opioids.
So the good intentions in the early 1980’s turned into something really quite nefarious when it came to the way that we started treating patients. To really understand what happened, you have to understand the ways in which the pharmaceutical industry, particularly the makers of opioid analgesics, covertly collaborated with various institutions within what I’ll call Big Medicine, in order to promote opioid prescribing.
Dr. Jain: So by Big Medicine what do you mean?
Dr. Lembke: I mean the Federation of State Medical Boards, The Joint Commission (JACHO), pain societies, academic thought leaders, and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA). These are the leading organizations within medicine whose job it is to guide and regulate medicine. None of these are pharmaceutical companies per se, but what happened around opioid pain pills was that Big Pharma infiltrated these various organizations in order to use false evidence to encourage physicians to prescribe more opioids. They used a Trojan Horse approach.. They didn’t come out and say we want you to prescribe more opioids because we’re Big Pharma and we want to make more money, instead what they said was we want you to prescribe more opioids because that’s what the scientific evidence supports.
The story of how they did that is really fascinating. Let’s take The Joint Commission (JACHO) as an example. In 1996, when oxycontin was introduced to the market, JACHO launched a nationwide pain management educational program where they sold educational materials to hospitals, which they acquired for free from Purdue Pharma. These materials included statements which we now know to be patently false. JACHO sold the Purdue Pharma videos and literature on pain to hospitals.
These educational materials perpetuated four myths about opioid prescribing. The first myth was that opioids work for chronic pain. We have no evidence to support that. The second was that no dose is too high. So if your patient responds to opioids initially and then develops tolerance, just keep going up. And that’s how we got patients on astronomical amounts of opioids. The third myth was about pseudo addiction. If you have a patient who appears to be demonstrating drug seeking behavior, they’re not addicted. They just need more pain meds. The fourth and most insidious myth was that there is a halo effect when opioids are prescribed by a doctor, that is, they’re not addictive as long as they’re being used to treat pain.
So getting back to JACHO, not only did they use material propagating myths about the use of opioids to treat pain, but they also did something that was very insidious and, ultimately, very bad for patients. They made pain a “quality measure”. By The Joint Commission’s own definition of a quality measure, it must be something that you can count. So what they did was they created this visual analog scale, also known as the “pain scale”. The scale consists of numbers from one to ten describing pain, with sad and happy faces to match. JAHCO told doctors they needed to use this pain scale in order to assess a patients’ pain. What we know today is that this pain scale has not led to improved treatment or functional outcomes for patients with pain. The only thing that it has been correlated with is increased opioid prescribing.
This sort of stealth maneuver by Big Pharma to use false evidence or pseudo-science to infiltrate academic medicine, regulatory agencies, and academic societies in order to promote more opioid prescribing: that’s an enduring theme throughout any analysis of this epidemic.
Dr. Jain: Can you comment specifically on the breadth and depth of the opioid epidemic in the US? What were the key factors involved?
Dr. Lembke: Drug overdose is now the leading cause of accidental death in this country, exceeding death due to motor vehicle accidents or firearms. Driving this statistic is opioid deaths and driving opioid deaths is opioid pain prescription deaths, which in turn correlates with excessive opioid prescribing. There are more than 16,000 deaths per year due to prescription opioid overdoses.
What’s really important to understand is that an opioid overdose is not a suicide attempt. The vast majority of these people are not trying to kill themselves, and many of them are not even taking the medication in excess. They’re often taking it as prescribed, but over time are developing a low grade hypoxia. They may get a minor cold, let’s say a pneumonia, then they’ll take the pills and they’ll fall asleep and won’t wake up again because their tolerance to the euphorigenic and pain effects of the opioids is very robust, but their tolerance to the respiratory suppressant effect doesn’t keep pace with that. You can feel like you need to take more in order to eliminate the pain, but at the same time the opioid is suppressing your respiratory drive, so you eventually become hypoxemic and can’t breathe anymore and just fall into a gradual sleep that way.
There are more than two million people today who are addicted to prescription opioids. So not only is there this horrible risk of accidental death, but there’s obviously the risk of addiction. We also have heroin overdose deaths and heroin addiction on the rise, most likely on the coattails of the prescription opioids epidemic, driven largely by young people who don’t have reservations about switching from pills to heroin..
Dr. Jain: I was curious about meds like oxycontin, vicodin, and percocet. Are they somehow more addictive than other opioid pills?
Dr. Lembke: All opioids are addictive, especially if you’re dealing with an opioid naive person. But it is certainly true that some of the opioids are more addictive than others because of pharmacology. Let’s consider oxycontin. The major ingredient in oxycontin is oxycodone. Oxycodone is a very potent synthetic opioid. When Purdue formulated it into oxycontin, what they wanted to create was a twice daily pain medication for cancer patients. So they put this hard shell on a huge 12 hours worth of oxycodone. That hard shell was intended to release oxycodone slowly over the course of the day. But what people discovered is that if they chewed the oxycontin and broke that hard shell, then they got a whole day’s worth of very potent oxycodone at once. With that came the typical rush that people who are addicted to opioids describe, as well as this long and powerful and sustained high. So that is why oxycontin was really at the center of the prescription opioid epidemic. It basically was more addictive because of the quantity and potency once that hard shell was cracked.
Dr. Jain: So has the epidemic plateaued? And if so, why?
Dr. Lembke: The last year for which we have CDC data is 2014, when there were more prescription opioid-related deaths, and more opioid prescriptions written by doctors, than in any year prior. This is remarkable when you think that by 2014, there was already wide-spread awareness of the problem. Yet doctors were not changing their prescribing habits, and patients were dying in record numbers.
I’m really looking forward to the next round of CDC data to come out and tell us what 2015 looked like. I do not believe we have reached the end or even the waning days of this epidemic. Doctors continue to write over 250 million opioid prescriptions annually, a mere fraction of what was written three decades ago.
Also, the millions of people who have been taking opioids for years are not easily weaned from opioids.. They now have neuroadaptive changes in their brains which are very hard to undo. I can tell you from clinical experience that even when I see patients motivated to get off of their prescription opioids, it can take weeks, months, and even years to make that happen.
So I don’t think that the epidemic has plateaued, and this is one of the major points that I try to make in my book. The prescription drug epidemic is the canary in the coal mine. It speaks to deeper problems within medicine. Doctors get reimbursed for prescribing a pill or doing a procedure, but not for talking to our patients and educating them. That’s a problem. The turmoil in the insurance system we can’t even establish long term relationships with our patients. So as a proxy for real healing and attachment, we prescribe opioids. ! Those kinds of endemic issues within medicine have not changed, and until they do, I believe this prescription drug problem will continue unabated.